Yesterday, the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, presented a Labour Party economic plan. The public have been calling for Labour’s purpose and principles to be more clearly articulated. By way of the choices made – a shift to a fairer tax system, targeting wealth to pay for tackling child poverty, good public services and the living expenses – we have unequivocally set out what we believe in.
This is why Labour MPs cheered in the Commons, and it’s why we are ready for the fights to come. And it’s why the protests from the conservative side began immediately.
The primary division in British politics is once again on the economy. On the one hand Labour, who want to reform it so it benefits everyday working people, and on the other, our opponents, who support the current system and the unsuccessful doctrine of the past. We must now confront, and win, the debate.
The Tories were given 14 years to resolve things and instead, by any measure, they got far more dire. Their doctrinaire austerity and trickle-down economics – tax cuts for the wealthy, cutting off investment (leaving us with low productivity and wages), and failing to support young people post-Covid – proved ineffective.
Quality of life fell by the biggest amount since records began, child poverty hit record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest they’ve ever been, wages were stagnant, a housing crisis became entrenched, young people scarred by Covid were abandoned. The record of failure goes on.
A single budget alone can’t put all this right, so Labour has a comprehensive plan for rebuilding and for restructuring the country. And we have to go out and keep making the argument for why our approach will reap dividends.
Under the Tories, welfare spending significantly increased. As did child poverty, because they failed to tackle the underlying issues: low pay, high housing costs, significant inequalities in education, health and regions. The state is forced to paying more to manage the effects instead of the cure.
It’s why we are constructing more social housing than for a generation, raising wages and new rights for workers, greatly increasing investment in infrastructure and new industries, reducing waiting lists down and bringing down the costs of childcare and energy as we pursue clean power.
This is also the reason we are completely justified to use this budget to lift the two-child benefit cap.
For almost a decade, since it was enacted, poorer families with children have suffered from a cruel social experiment that was marketed as fair for working people when it was anything but. Most of the families affected by it have a parent in work.
It’s done nothing but push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, ultimately, costs us more, as well as being callous and immoral.
From experience from my own district – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of ending the cap – the actual impact it’s had. Children wearing low-cost wellies as school shoes, children going to bed hungry and cold, living in cramped, damp homes, parents during the holidays depending on food banks for a simple meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already overburdened but have to divert time and resources to supporting children who are living with the consequences of deep poverty.
Just a quarter of pupils from the most disadvantaged families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with almost 75% among wealthier families. This predisposes them for the disadvantages they face during their lives: missed potential, financial struggles and poor health. Children who grew up in poverty are more likely to be unemployed or poor as adults.
Confronting child poverty isn’t just a moral imperative, it is a long-term investment. Poverty costs the economy far, far more than the three billion pound cost of lifting the two-child cap, or extending free school meals.
That’s why we acted promptly in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees more than 100 additional children pushed into poverty. The benefits of lifting it will not occur overnight either, so acting early in the parliament was crucial.
The cap was a totem to 14 years of failed rightwing ideology. Now it is gone.
We, as Labour, can also be clear that these measures are being funded in a just way – from a new gambling levy, eliminating tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Fairness and direction – that’s how we will win the contest of ideas. This budget is a definitive statement that we gained the election as Labour, and will lead as Labour. As I repeatedly said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political platform and set the agenda more strongly about what’s truly flawed with the country and how we are repairing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s maintain it and prevail in this fight about how we will renew Britain and tackle the deep inequalities impeding progress.
Elara is a seasoned strategist with over a decade of experience in corporate leadership and military tactics.