This accusation is a serious one: suggesting Rachel Reeves has deceived Britons, frightening them into accepting massive additional taxes which could be funneled into higher benefits. However exaggerated, this is not usual Westminster bickering; this time, the consequences are higher. A week ago, critics aimed at Reeves and Keir Starmer were labeling their budget "a mess". Now, it is denounced as falsehoods, and Kemi Badenoch calling for Reeves to step down.
Such a serious accusation demands clear answers, so here is my assessment. Did the chancellor tell lies? Based on the available information, no. There were no whoppers. But, despite Starmer's recent remarks, that doesn't mean there's nothing to see and we can all move along. Reeves did mislead the public regarding the considerations informing her decisions. Was it to funnel cash towards "benefits street", like the Tories claim? No, and the figures prove this.
The Chancellor has taken another blow to her reputation, however, if facts continue to have anything to do with politics, Badenoch should call off her lynch mob. Perhaps the resignation recently of OBR head, Richard Hughes, due to the leak of its own documents will satisfy SW1's appetite for scandal.
Yet the real story is far stranger compared to media reports suggest, extending wider and further than the careers of Starmer and the 2024 intake. Fundamentally, herein lies a story concerning how much say you and I get in the governance of our own country. And it concern everyone.
When the OBR published last Friday some of the forecasts it shared with Reeves while she wrote the budget, the shock was instant. Not merely has the OBR never acted this way before (an "rare action"), its figures apparently went against the chancellor's words. Even as rumors from Westminster suggested the grim nature of the budget was going to be, the watchdog's forecasts were improving.
Take the Treasury's most "iron-clad" fiscal rule, that by 2030 daily spending for hospitals, schools, and other services would be wholly paid for by taxes: at the end of October, the OBR reckoned this would just about be met, albeit by a minuscule margin.
Several days later, Reeves held a press conference so extraordinary that it caused breakfast TV to interrupt its regular schedule. Weeks prior to the actual budget, the country was put on alert: taxes were going up, and the primary cause being gloomy numbers provided by the OBR, in particular its finding that the UK was less productive, putting more in but yielding less.
And lo! It came to pass. Despite the implications from Telegraph editorials and Tory media appearances suggested over the weekend, that is basically what happened at the budget, that proved to be big and painful and bleak.
The way in which Reeves deceived us concerned her alibi, since those OBR forecasts did not force her hand. She could have made different options; she might have given alternative explanations, even on budget day itself. Prior to the recent election, Starmer promised exactly such people power. "The hope of democracy. The power of the vote. The possibility for national renewal."
A year on, and it's a lack of agency that is evident from Reeves's pre-budget speech. The first Labour chancellor in 15 years portrays herself to be an apolitical figure buffeted by forces outside her influence: "In the context of the persistent challenges with our productivity … any chancellor of any party would be standing here today, facing the choices that I face."
She certainly make decisions, only not one the Labour party wishes to broadcast. Starting April 2029 British workers and businesses will be paying another £26bn annually in tax – and the majority of this will not be spent on improved healthcare, new libraries, nor enhanced wellbeing. Whatever bilge is spouted by Nigel Farage, Badenoch and others, it isn't being lavished upon "benefits street".
Instead of being spent, over 50% of this extra cash will in fact give Reeves a buffer against her self-imposed fiscal rules. Approximately 25% is allocated to covering the government's own U-turns. Reviewing the OBR's calculations and giving maximum benefit of the doubt to a Labour chancellor, only 17% of the taxes will go on actual new spending, for example scrapping the two-child cap on child benefit. Its abolition "costs" the Treasury a mere £2.5bn, as it was always an act of political theatre from George Osborne. A Labour government could and should abolished it immediately upon taking office.
The Tories, Reform along with all of right-wing media have spent days railing against the idea that Reeves conforms to the caricature of Labour chancellors, soaking hard workers to fund shirkers. Labour backbenchers have been cheering her budget for being balm to their troubled consciences, safeguarding the most vulnerable. Both sides are completely mistaken: Reeves's budget was largely targeted towards investment funds, hedge funds and participants within the bond markets.
The government can make a compelling argument in its defence. The forecasts provided by the OBR were deemed too small for comfort, particularly given that bond investors charge the UK the highest interest rate of all G7 rich countries – exceeding that of France, that recently lost a prime minister, and exceeding Japan which has way more debt. Combined with the measures to cap fuel bills, prescription charges and train fares, Starmer together with Reeves can say their plan enables the Bank of England to reduce its key lending rate.
It's understandable that those folk with Labour badges may choose not to couch it in such terms next time they're on the doorstep. According to one independent adviser for Downing Street says, Reeves has effectively "weaponised" financial markets as a tool of control over Labour MPs and the voters. It's the reason the chancellor can't resign, no matter what pledges are broken. It's the reason Labour MPs will have to fall into line and vote that cut billions from social security, as Starmer indicated recently.
What's missing from this is any sense of statecraft, of harnessing the Treasury and the central bank to forge a new accommodation with markets. Also absent is intuitive knowledge of voters,
Elara is a seasoned strategist with over a decade of experience in corporate leadership and military tactics.