Prime Minister Starmer traveled to north Wales this past Thursday to reveal the development of a new nuclear power station. This represents a major policy announcement with both local and national implications. However, the PM did not dedicate much time in Wales to advocating solutions for the UK's energy needs. Instead, he used the time trying to draw a line under the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, informing journalists that Downing Street had not undermined the health secretary’s ambitions earlier this week.
As such, Sir Keir’s day acted as a microcosm of what his premiership has evolved into overall. On the one hand, he wants his administration to be doing, and to be perceived as performing, significant actions. On the other hand, he is unable to accomplish this due to the manner he – and, to an extent, the country more generally – now practices politics and government.
Sir Keir is unable to change the political culture on his own, but he is able to take action about his personal involvement in it. The plain fact is that he could run the government's core much more effectively than he does. If he did this, he could discover that the country was in less despair about his administration than it currently is, and that he was communicating his points more effectively.
A number of the issues in Number 10 relate to personnel. The interpersonal relations of every Downing Street operation are difficult to discern well from outside. But it seems obvious that Sir Keir fails to make sound staffing decisions, or maintain them. Perhaps he is too busy. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. However, he must to improve his performance, not do things slowly or by halves.
All premiers spend too much time abroad and on international matters, areas where Sir Keir ought to assign more tasks, and too little conversing with MPs and hearing the public. Prime ministers also allocate too much time doing media, which Sir Keir compounds by doing it poorly. But premiers cannot claim to be surprised when their politically appointed staff, who are often party activists or politically ambitious, overstep boundaries or become the story, as the chief of staff now has.
The most significant problems, though, are structural. It would be beneficial to think that Sir Keir reviewed the Institute for Government’s spring 2024 study on reforming the centre of government. His inability to grip these issues in the summer or since suggests he did not. The frequently dismal experience of Labour’s time in office indicates recommendations like restructuring the functions of the central government office and Downing Street, and separating the jobs of top official and head of the civil service, are now urgent.
The political pre-eminence of prime ministers greatly exceeds the support available to them. As a result, everything currently suffers, and many tasks are poorly executed or neglected.
This is not Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He is the casualty of past failures along with the author of present ones. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the centre and take the machinery of government seriously have been disappointed. Unfortunately, the biggest loser from this failure is Sir Keir personally.
Elara is a seasoned strategist with over a decade of experience in corporate leadership and military tactics.